Countries by Multilateral debt service (% of public and publicly guaranteed debt service)

Afghanistan devotes 100% of its public debt service to multilateral institutions—the World Bank, IMF, and Asian Development Bank—meaning it pays nothing to bilateral creditors. Syria devotes 0%, reflecting its exclusion from international capital markets due to sanctions and civil war. This 999% spread shows the vast gap between countries dependent entirely on multilateral financing and those that have access to (or can avoid) bilateral credit.

Ranking 2024

Values shown in %.

Countries by Multilateral debt service (% of public and publicly guaranteed debt service)
Rank Country %
1Afghanistan100.00
1Yemen100.00
3Lebanon99.97
4Botswana99.01
5Moldova95.16
6Timor-Leste93.70
7Liberia91.75
8Nicaragua89.41
9Kosovo83.53
10Ukraine83.26
11Sao Tome and Principe82.32
12Nepal80.37
13Bosnia and Herzegovina78.41
14Solomon Islands77.98
15Burkina Faso77.19
16Algeria75.81
17Zimbabwe75.03
18Madagascar74.65
19Saint Vincent and the Grenadines72.33
20Sierra Leone71.40
21Bolivia71.30
22Malawi70.99
23Fiji70.16
24Gambia69.51
25Georgia68.73
26Burundi68.46
27Suriname68.15
28Lesotho67.14
29Niger66.99
30Eswatini64.93
31Albania64.12
32Grenada61.86
33Mauritania59.50
34Mali59.31
35Rwanda59.25
36Armenia58.68
37Central African Republic58.45
38Guyana58.44
39Paraguay57.97
40Honduras57.71
41Guatemala57.55
42Bangladesh53.06
43Belize52.51
44Papua New Guinea51.98
45Sudan51.16
46Cabo Verde50.85
47North Macedonia47.74
48Djibouti47.23
49Guinea-Bissau47.20
50Tajikistan47.17
51Kyrgyzstan45.83
52Ethiopia45.60
53Uganda39.68
54Morocco39.26
55Ecuador39.16
56India39.06
57Vietnam38.95
58Comoros38.34
59Jordan38.33
60Saint Lucia38.01
61Sri Lanka37.94
62Samoa36.96
63Tunisia36.57
64Argentina35.62
65Jamaica35.55
66Ghana34.33
67Uzbekistan34.07
68Togo33.84
69Philippines33.22
70Nigeria32.54
71Egypt32.29
72Peru31.62
73Somalia30.82
74Vanuatu30.70
75Kazakhstan30.50
76Dominica30.16
77Bhutan29.64
78Cambodia29.15
79Pakistan29.13
80Tanzania27.71
81Senegal27.59
82Gabon27.41
83DR Congo27.36
84Eritrea27.21
85Cameroon26.90
86Guinea26.75
87Zambia26.37
88Kenya25.91
89Azerbaijan25.50
90Dominican Republic24.58
91El Salvador24.46
92Maldives24.20
93Mongolia23.36
94Thailand23.00
95Benin21.01
96Myanmar19.91
97Chad19.06
98Serbia18.75
99Montenegro18.15
100Mozambique18.06
101Iraq17.44
102Laos16.88
103Colombia15.94
104Turkmenistan15.61
105Côte d'Ivoire15.18
106Bulgaria14.89
107Iran14.12
108Tonga13.89
109Belarus13.37
110Türkiye13.36
111Indonesia12.77
112Brazil11.89
113Republic of Congo10.64
114Mexico10.39
115South Africa10.09
116Mauritius8.57
117China7.54
118Angola4.98
119Haiti0.81
120Russia0.02
121Syria0.00

Analysis

Multilateral debt service (% of public debt service) measures the share of a country's total annual debt service payments directed to multilateral institutions (World Bank, IMF, regional development banks, UN agencies) versus bilateral creditors (other governments, Paris Club members, China). The metric is a window into a country's creditor composition and access to capital markets. A country paying 100% to multilaterals (Afghanistan, Yemen) has either exhausted bilateral lending or has been locked out of bilateral markets—typically post-conflict nations or those facing sanctions. A country paying 20% to multilaterals has diversified creditors: the World Bank and IMF provide perhaps 20% of its obligations, while bilateral creditors (Paris Club, China, Middle Eastern banks) provide 80%. This matters because multilateral and bilateral debt carry different terms and implications. Multilateral loans typically impose policy conditionality (budget reform, privatization, transparency), whereas bilateral loans may offer more flexibility or carry geopolitical strings attached. Multilateral debt cannot be renegotiated or forgiven (with rare exceptions like HIPC Initiative); bilateral debt can be restructured through Paris Club negotiations or bilateral arrangements. Therefore, a high multilateral percentage signals less flexibility in debt management but also less moral hazard—countries must adhere to strict lending standards. A low multilateral percentage signals either market access (can borrow cheaply from bilateral lenders) or isolation (cannot borrow from multilaterals, as in Syria's case).

High multilateral debt-service percentages (80–100%) cluster in fragile and post-conflict states: Afghanistan (100%), Yemen (100%), Lebanon (99.97%), Botswana (99.0%), Moldova (95.2%), Timor-Leste (93.7%), Liberia (91.7%), and Nicaragua (89.4%) are all countries with limited access to private capital markets or that have exhausted bilateral lending. These nations rely almost exclusively on the World Bank's International Development Association (IDA) for concessional lending—soft loans at near-zero interest with 35–40-year repayment periods. War-torn and institutionally weak countries cannot offer the collateral or policy credibility that bilateral lenders require. By contrast, countries with low multilateral percentages (0–25%) fall into three categories: (1) sanctioned/conflict states (Syria 0%, Russia 0.016%) unable to pay anyone; (2) resource-rich exporters (Angola 4.98%, China 7.54%) with bilateral creditor relationships and export revenues to service debt; and (3) middle-income countries with market access (Jamaica 35.6%, Argentina 35.6%, Ghana 34.3%). Mid-range countries (30–50%) represent the median: Sri Lanka (37.9%), Samoa (37.0%), Tunisia (36.6%), indicating balanced creditor portfolios—roughly 40% owed to multilaterals, 60% to bilateral sources including China (which has become a major creditor post-2010).

The global creditor landscape has shifted dramatically since 2010, explaining why many countries now have lower multilateral percentages than historical norms. China has become the largest creditor to developing countries, offering infrastructure loans through policy banks at commercial (non-concessional) rates. Countries like Angola, Zambia, and several African nations have shifted their borrowing composition away from multilateral institutions toward bilateral creditors—lowering their multilateral percentages. Notably, countries that engaged heavily with China in the 2010s now show multilateral percentages of 10–30%, whereas countries with primarily World Bank/IMF debt (Afghanistan, Yemen, Liberia) remain at 80–100%. This represents a fundamental shift in development finance. Another pattern: countries undergoing IMF programs or World Bank-supported structural adjustment (Ukraine at 83.3%, Kosovo at 83.5%) rank high on multilateral debt service because the IMF and World Bank explicitly condition additional lending on repaying existing multilateral obligations. Conversely, countries that have largely repaid multilateral debt (Russia, China) show near-zero multilateral percentages—not because they have no access to multilaterals, but because they owe little to them. Syria's 0% is exceptional: it reflects not repayment capacity but sanctions-driven default and international isolation.

This metric is a static cross-sectional snapshot and masks significant year-to-year volatility in creditor composition. Algeria, for instance, showed 395.6% average year-over-year change and maximum change of 3,264.7%—reflecting shifts in when bilateral versus multilateral debt principal comes due. A country might owe equally to both types of creditors, but if bilateral loans mature in one year and multilateral loans mature in five years, the current-year ratio will heavily reflect whichever type matures first. The metric also conflates two distinct phenomena: (1) countries unable to access bilateral markets (Afghanistan genuinely dependent on World Bank), and (2) countries strategically avoiding bilateral debt or that have repaid bilateral creditors (China). Both show high multilateral percentages for opposite reasons. Furthermore, the metric does not distinguish between concessional multilateral debt (IMF/World Bank soft loans) and commercial multilateral debt (private multilateral banks); it lumps them together. It also excludes private external debt (bonds, commercial bank loans) not guaranteed by government, so countries with large private capital markets access may appear more multilateral-dependent than they actually are. Finally, the metric relies on countries accurately reporting debt service by creditor type—many developing nations have weak debt recording systems, especially for bilateral and private debt, so reported multilateral percentages may overstate actual multilateral obligations.

Methodology

)÷(TotalpublicandpubliclyguaranteeddebtserviceincurrentUS) × 100. Multilateral debt service includes principal repayments and interest paid to the World Bank, IMF, regional development banks (Asian Development Bank, African Development Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Islamic Development Bank), and other multilateral agencies. Total public and publicly guaranteed debt service is the sum of all payments to all creditors—multilateral, bilateral, and private—on long-term public debt and long-term private debt guaranteed by the government. Data comes from the World Bank World Development Indicators (indicator: DT.TDS.MLAT.PG.ZS), compiled from country debt reports, IMF records, and creditor agency records. All figures are in current US dollars. The metric covers 121 countries with 100% data quality and 98.3% coverage for 2024. The mean multilateral share is 40.91% with a standard deviation of 25.96%, indicating wide variation in creditor composition globally. Zero extreme outliers were detected, as the data is bounded 0–100%. Year-over-year volatility averages 37.5%, reflecting shifts in debt maturity schedules and creditor rebalancing. The 999% spread (from 0.0% to 100.0%) captures the full range from no multilateral exposure to complete multilateral dependence. Critically, this metric does not reflect creditor power or loan conditionality—high multilateral percentages do not necessarily mean stricter terms, only that multilateral institutions are the primary creditors. Countries with low percentages may actually face harsher bilateral conditionality or may be in default.

Sources